Deputy Labour leader race: who could replace Angela Rayner?

Sep, 7 2025

Labour hasn’t picked a new deputy while in government since 2007. That changes now. Angela Rayner’s sudden exit on 5 September over unpaid stamp duty jolts the party’s top team and hands members an unusually powerful moment. The next deputy Labour leader won’t just carry a title. They’ll inherit a platform big enough to push policy, steady nerves, and, in time, shape the succession if Keir Starmer ever steps aside.

Rayner’s departure leaves a practical hole as well as a political one. She was driving chunks of the government’s bread-and-butter agenda: workers’ rights, devolution, planning reform, and the promise to build 1.5 million homes. Inside Whitehall, her Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government was one of the few parts described as functioning smoothly. Pulling her out midstream risks slowing delivery at the exact moment voters want to see movement on housing, jobs, and local growth.

It also scrambles the party’s internal balance. Rayner gave Starmer’s project cover on the left: union roots, plain talk, and credibility with members who still want bolder change. Without that bridge, this election becomes a pressure valve. Expect frustrated activists and affiliate members to use their ballots to send a message about the government’s pace and priorities.

How the race will work — and why it matters now

The process is straightforward but high stakes. The party’s National Executive Committee will set a tight timetable, likely weeks rather than months, to avoid a long-running distraction while in office. Candidates first need enough nominations from Labour MPs to make the ballot. After that, they seek support from local parties and affiliates, including trade unions, before the membership votes using a ranked ballot system. The rules are designed to test breadth of support, not just online buzz.

Two realities shape the field. First, only sitting MPs can run, so big names outside the Commons are out. Second, the MP nomination threshold favors candidates trusted by the parliamentary party, which has shifted to the center under Starmer. That means left or soft-left contenders need to unify early to avoid splitting their vote. Centrist hopefuls, meanwhile, will try to rally around one standard-bearer to lock the race down quickly.

Timing adds pressure. Labour’s annual conference is around the corner. Downing Street will want a clear result by then so the new deputy can stand on stage with a mandate, while ministers get on with governing. The longer the race drags, the louder the factional noise and the tougher it gets to sell a tight legislative schedule to the country.

What will decide it? Three things: union endorsements, early MP backers, and the membership mood after a year of compromises in government. Trade unions can amplify a candidacy fast—Unite and the CWU could fuel a left surge; Unison and the GMB tend to back more moderate figures. MP endorsements matter because they signal credibility and viability. And members will look for proof a candidate can deliver on core promises: jobs, homes, bills down, and public services stabilised.

The runners and their pitches

Expect the contest to polarise into two camps: a left or soft-left figure arguing for a faster, fairer reset, and a centrist offering calm hands and delivery discipline. Here are the names drawing the most attention in Westminster corridors.

Wes Streeting — The media-savvy moderniser. A favourite among MPs who want sharper reform messaging on public services, he’s pitched himself as a pragmatist unafraid of tough choices. Strengths: clear communicator, comfortable on broadcast, seen as future leadership material. Risks: friction with parts of the union movement, and a style some members find too combative. If centrists coalesce, he’ll be near the front.

Bridget Phillipson — The steady reformer. Known for methodical work and few dramas, she appeals to members who want reliability and a focus on outcomes rather than factional fights. Strengths: low-risk profile, strong team-builder, good party-unifier optics. Risks: name recognition lags behind louder contenders; critics may call her programme too managerial. She could become the consensus pick if big beasts sit it out.

Liz Kendall — The veteran moderniser. A familiar face from the 2015 leadership race, she has credibility with MPs who think Labour must stick to tight fiscal rules while finding room for targeted investment. Strengths: clear ideological pitch, trusted by business-friendly voices. Risks: chilly reception among some members, and a lane that overlaps with other centrists. She’s viable if the field stays thin.

Peter Kyle — The quiet operator. Well-liked across factions, he’s pragmatic and detail-oriented, with a record of patient coalition-building. Strengths: cross-party appeal, non-flashy competence, strong on science and industrial policy. Risks: limited national profile, and a message that can feel understated in a leadership race. If the party wants a unifier, he’s in the mix.

Shabana Mahmood — The campaign architect. Credited inside the party for ruthless election discipline, she blends organisational grip with legal and campaigning chops. Strengths: proven vote-winner, respected by MPs for delivery. Risks: not yet a household name; may prefer to keep a powerful Cabinet brief rather than run. If she enters, she complicates the centrist calculus.

Lisa Nandy — The soft-left bridge. Popular with activists who want both empathy and realism, she ran credibly in 2020 and often speaks to towns and regions that feel overlooked. Strengths: strong communicator, union-friendly, rooted outside Westminster bubble. Risks: needs enough MP nominations; must show how she’d speed up housing and devolution after Rayner’s exit. She’s the left’s best shot at a broad coalition.

Louise Haigh — The grounded organiser. Close to unions and trusted by colleagues, she’s seen as straight-talking and competent. Strengths: credible soft-left voice, authentic tone that plays well beyond London. Risks: lower profile; would need early union momentum to break through. If the left consolidates, she’s a plausible standard-bearer.

Clive Lewis — The green left advocate. Strong on climate, democracy reform, and anti-poverty policy, he has a loyal activist base. Strengths: bold ideas, clear values, persuasive on the stump. Risks: tough MP nomination math, and a crowded left lane. He’s more likely to shape the debate than to win outright.

Richard Burgon — The true-believer. Backed before by parts of the Corbynite left, he would run to keep pressure on public ownership, workers’ rights, and anti-austerity economics. Strengths: clear ideological brand, union affinity. Risks: limited appeal with MPs and swing members; vulnerable to tactical voting against him. He could force a runoff but struggles to build a majority.

Stella Creasy — The policy entrepreneur. Known for driving legislative fixes on consumer rights and childcare, she brings energy and detail. Strengths: campaigning nous, cross-cutting policy grasp. Risks: not anchored in a single faction; might lack a natural base. If the field fragments, she’s an intriguing outsider.

Rosena Allin-Khan — The grassroots medic. Her 2020 deputy bid surprised many with strong member engagement. Strengths: compelling personal story, NHS front-line profile. Risks: strained relations with parts of the leadership, and a lane now crowded by bigger names. Hard path, but not impossible if she captures member discontent.

Big names you won’t see: regional mayors and non-MPs. However often Andy Burnham’s name trends, rules are rules — you need a Commons pass to run. Senior Cabinet figures like the Chancellor or Home Secretary are also unlikely to jump in; the optics of grabbing a party role while managing national crises are awful.

What will they run on? Expect five planks:

• Workers’ rights: a firmer timetable and detail on the employment bill Rayner championed, including day-one rights and protections against insecure work.
• Housing: proof the 1.5 million homes pledge will survive local resistance, with planning reform and social housing in the mix.
• Cost of living: targeted tax and benefit tweaks within tight fiscal rules, plus action on energy and childcare costs.
• Public services: a credible plan to cut waiting lists and raise standards that doesn’t rely on magic money.
• Devolution: stronger local powers with clear accountability, not just nice speeches about levelling up.

Here’s the strategic picture. If the left splinters between two or three candidates, the center wins on second preferences. If the center fields more than one heavy hitter, the left can take the crown with a disciplined, single-ticket campaign plus union muscle. Watch for early pacts to avoid mutually assured defeat.

Inside No. 10, the priority is stability. Expect a swift reshuffle to cover Rayner’s workload while the campaign runs, and a push to show housing and workers’ rights are still on track. Ministers know dissatisifed members are more likely to vote for a course correction if policy delivery looks shaky.

And Rayner? She leaves office but not politics. As a backbencher with a platform and deep union links, she can still sway debates, especially if the government hesitates on the pledges she drove. There’s no sign she wants to undermine Starmer. But in a party that prizes loyalty and authenticity, her voice will carry — whether she asks for it or not.

What to watch next week: the nomination threshold the NEC sets; the first trade union to break cover; and which Cabinet minister blinks first. Those three signals will tell you where this race is really heading — towards a safety-first deputy who keeps the machine humming, or a bolder partner who tries to pull the government left while it governs from the middle.